![]() Many groups effectively prohibit rape even when their opponents use it. Why does this matter? Instead of framing rape as an inevitable outcome of war, by understanding which groups engage in sexual violence – and which do not – and what accounts for the difference, advocates and policy makers will be far better positioned to limit – and perhaps even to end – this scourge of war.Ī recent study found that in about 40 percent of conflicts, only one side was reported to engage in moderate to high levels of rape. South2North – Behind the global rape epidemic But even after 2000, when wartime rape became a highly salient public issue actively investigated by NGOs, more than half of armed groups were not reported to have engaged in sexual violence. Of course, in most contexts, especially war, sexual violence is under-reported. The Sri Lankan secessionist rebels, for example, were notorious for their violence against civilians but they rarely engaged in rape.Ī recent study by the Peace Research Institute of Oslo of all forty-eight conflicts and all 236 armed groups – including state, rebel groups, and pro-government militias – in Africa between 19 found that 64 percent of armed groups were not reported to have engaged in any form of sexual violence. Many armed groups effectively prohibit rape of civilians. ![]() It is not the unavoidable collateral damage we tend to think it is. Even some modern militaries have engaged in rape of civilians to a significant degree, as in the case of US forces in Vietnam.īut the truth is: rape during war is far from ubiquitous. Stories of women raped and subjected to other forms of sexual violence in South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Syria reinforce the common perception that sexual violence against women in times of war is inevitable. Tragically, such reports are all too familiar. Human Rights Watch recently released a report documenting the torture and sexual abuse of women held in prisons in Iraq. ![]()
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